L'aube du Pakistan – DAWN.COM


On estime que plus de 15 millions de personnes ont été déplacées lors de la partition du sous-continent indien et que deux millions ont perdu la vie dans les violences communautaires qui ont suivi.

Cette caractéristique couvre 42 années de 1906 à 1948, une période étonnamment courte au cours de laquelle le mouvement de la liberté a émergé et a par la suite abouti à la création d'un État musulman séparé sous la direction dynamique de Mohammad Ali Jinnah – le Quaid-i-Azam – le fondateur monumental de cette nation.

Alors que le pays fête ses 70 ans, l’histoire du Pakistan devient votre histoire.

25 DÉCEMBRE 1947

LE DERNIER ANNIVERSAIRE DE M. JINNAH

Sur la photo ci-dessus, avec la permission des archives Dawn / White Star, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah lit Dawn à l’occasion de son 71e anniversaire.

Le premier anniversaire de M. Jinnah au Pakistan, le 25 décembre 1947, est tragiquement le dernier. La matinée commence quand une petite délégation de journalistes de Dawn Karachi, dirigée par le rédacteur en chef Altaf Husain, l'invite à exprimer ses meilleurs voeux. Ils le trouvent en train de lire l'édition du matin de Dawn.

Tout en se remémorant les beaux jours de la fondation de Dawn à Delhi, il exprime sa satisfaction que le titre et l’éthique de Dawn soient préservés et prospèrent à Karachi.

Et puis quelque chose d'inhabituel se produit. Jamais dans sa carrière, M. Jinnah n’a endossé ce que nous considérons aujourd’hui comme un "produit" ou une "marque". Et pourtant, à la demande de ses collègues, il prend la copie de Dawn à ses côtés et accepte d'être photographié en train de la lire.

L'article de journal en première page félicite M. Jinnah à l'occasion de son 71e anniversaire de naissance et laisse apparaître un sourire fantaisiste sur ses lèvres. Il a parcouru un long chemin depuis la fondation de Dawn Weekly en octobre 1941. C'étaient des jours d'espoir; six ans plus tard, Dawn, publié par Pakistan Herald Limited Karachi, est une réalité vivante.

Plus tard, M. Jinnah assiste à la réception officielle à la Maison du gouverneur général. Il part tôt pour assister à une fête privée organisée par son collègue, Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah.

En tant que commandant de la Garde nationale féminine du Sind, Pacha Haroon chante un poème d’anniversaire écrit pour lui par un poète de Lahore; il est visiblement embarrassé et continue à nouer la serviette placée devant lui sur la table. Les mots du poème sont les suivants: Millat kay liye aaj ghaneemat hai tera dumm, Aey Quaid-i-Azam / Sheeraza-e-Millat ko kiya tu ne faraham, aey Quaid-i-Azam. (Votre souffle suffit à lui seul à la nation, oh Quaid-i-Azam / Vous seul avez été le fer de lance de la nation, oh Quaid-i-Azam.)

Neuf mois plus tard, le 11 septembre 1948, M. Jinnah se soumet à un accès prolongé de tuberculose, une maladie qui l'afflige au cours des dix dernières années de sa vie et qui est gardé secret. Le lendemain, Dawn déclare: «Le Quaid-i-Azam est mort. Vive le Pakistan!

Le même jour, les troupes indiennes, sous le prétexte d'une action policière, entrent dans l'État princier d'Hyderabad et l'annexent à l'Inde.

LE QUAID-I-AZAM 1947

LE LEGACY ENDURE

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah est assis avec le drapeau pakistanais drapé derrière lui à Karachi en décembre 1947. – Extrait avec l'autorisation de Témoin de la vie et de la liberté, Roli Books, Delhi

Cette photo, qui apparaît sur la couverture de l'édition du 5 janvier 1948 du magazine Life, fait partie d'une série prise par Margaret Bourke-White pour le magazine.

Aujourd’hui, alors que les Pakistanais célèbrent le 70e anniversaire de l’existence de leur pays, il est utile de s'interroger sur l'héritage de M. Jinnah, l'homme qui a fondé en 1947 le plus grand État musulman du monde.

Son attachement sans faille à l’état de droit, à la liberté de parole et de conscience, à la justice sociale et à l’égalité pour tous les citoyens, sont au cœur de son héritage; un héritage qu'il veut que la nation du Pakistan maintienne dans le futur. Bien que la gouvernance et l’élaboration des lois soient la seule prérogative des représentants élus du peuple, dès 1919, il dit au Conseil législatif impérial qu '«aucun homme ne devrait perdre sa liberté ou être privé de sa liberté sans procès judiciaire, conformément à la loi». règles acceptées de preuve et de procédure. "

Bien que M. Jinnah ait répété à maintes reprises que l'islam nous avait enseigné «l'égalité, la justice et le fair-play», il a clairement indiqué que le Pakistan ne serait pas un État théocratique.

Le 11 août 1947, dans une réitération historique de son credo politique, il dit à l'Assemblée constituante: «Vous êtes libre d'aller dans vos temples, vous êtes libre d'aller dans vos mosquées ou tout autre lieu de culte dans cet État du Pakistan. . Vous pouvez appartenir à une religion, à une caste ou à une croyance quelconque – cela n'a rien à voir avec les affaires de l'État. "

S'exprimant sur le sujet de la corruption, M. Jinnah les appelle «un poison» et déclare: «Nous devons le combattre avec une main de fer et j'espère que vous prendrez les mesures qui s'imposent dès que cette Assemblée pourra se fais-le. "


DELHI AOÛT 1947

UNE LONGUE ATTENTE DE LIBERTÉ

Un jeune réfugié à Delhi en août 1947 s’accroupit sur les décombres d’un monument en ruine du sultanat, la tête désespérée. À l'arrière-plan, un vaste camp de réfugiés musulmans s'étend à perte de vue. – Extrait avec la permission de Témoin de la vie et de la liberté, Roli Books, Delhi

Alors que des milliers de musulmans cherchent refuge dans ce camp priant pour une évasion rapide vers le Pakistan, des milliers de réfugiés hindous et sikhs du Pendjab affluent vers la ville. Une atmosphère de peur règne alors que les pogroms anti-musulmans secouent ce bastion historique de la culture et de la politique indo-islamiques.

Jawaharlal Nehru, le Premier ministre indien, estime qu'il n'y a que 1 000 victimes dans la ville; d'autres sources affirment que ce chiffre est 20 fois plus élevé. L'histoire récente de l'historien Gyanendra Pandey sur les violences à Delhi fait état d'un nombre de victimes musulmanes compris entre 20 000 et 25 000.

Quel que soit le nombre de victimes, des milliers de musulmans sont conduits dans des camps de réfugiés et des sites historiques de Delhi, tels que Purana Qila, Idgah et Nizamuddin, sont transformés en camps de réfugiés.

Au point culminant des tensions, 330 000 musulmans sont obligés de fuir au Pakistan. Le recensement de 1951 a enregistré une baisse de la population musulmane dans la ville de 33,22% en 1941 à 9,8% en 1951.

À la suite de la partition, environ 15 millions de personnes de toutes les parties auront franchi les frontières pour rejoindre leur patrie.

DHAKA MARS 1948

VISITE DU COMMANDANT SUPRÊME

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah décore le lieutenant-colonel M. Ahmad de la croix militaire pour ses services en Birmanie pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le 20 mars 1948, à la banlieue de Dhaka. Le général de division Mohammed Ayub Khan, président du GDC Dhaka, se situe entre les deux. – Archives de la famille Gauhar Ayub

C’est le dernier voyage de M. Jinnah à Dhaka; S'il avait vécu au-delà de septembre 1948, il se serait certainement rendu beaucoup plus dans la capitale du Pakistan oriental.

Bien que la Ligue musulmane des Indes ait été fondée à Dacca en 1906, c'est Calcutta (que M. Jinnah visite fréquemment) qui est le centre de la politique au Bengale sous la domination britannique; ce n'est qu'après la partition que Dhaka devient le centre politique de la majorité musulmane au Bengale.

Khawaja Nazimuddin est le ministre en chef du Bengale oriental. À l'heure actuelle, des éléments politiques soulèvent la question de savoir si le bengali plutôt que l'urdu devrait être la langue de l'État, enflammant ainsi les sentiments provinciaux parmi la population. M. Jinnah est venu à Dhaka pour clarifier les choses.

Lors d'une réunion publique gigantesque tenue à Dhaka le 21 mars 1948, il déclara qu '"n'ayant pas empêché l'établissement du Pakistan … les ennemis du Pakistan et du Pakistan ont porté leur attention sur la perturbation de l'État en créant une scission entre le Musulmans du Pakistan. Ces tentatives ont principalement consisté à encourager le provincialisme. Si vous voulez vous faire une nation, abandonnez ce provincialisme pour l’intelligence de Dieu. "

Quelques jours plus tard, le 24 mars, lors de la convocation annuelle de l'Université de Dhaka, M. Jinnah a déclaré que les gens pouvaient choisir d'adopter la langue provinciale de leur choix, mais qu'il ne pouvait y avoir qu'une seule lingua franca pour l'ensemble du Pakistan et que cette langue être ourdou.

Le général Ayub Khan devient le deuxième président du Pakistan après un coup d'État militaire en 1958. Il est contraint de démissionner de sa présidence en 1969 à la suite d'un soulèvement populaire au Pakistan oriental et dans d'autres régions du pays.

En raison de son régime militaire, le Pakistan oriental et sa capitale, Dhaka, seront définitivement perdus au profit du Pakistan, à peine treize ans plus tard.


GILGIT & KASHMIR 1947

UNE VICTOIRE PARTIELLE

Le 1er novembre 1947 est le jour où Gilgit, Hunza et Baltistan adhèrent au Pakistan.

Astore, Gilgit, Hunza et Nagar font partie des territoires conquis par les Dogra Maharajas. Leur emprise est ténue et, en 1889, les Britanniques créent la Gilgit Agency afin de transformer la région en une zone tampon contre les Russes. Puis en 1935, les Britanniques louent la Gilgit Agency pour une période de soixante ans au Maharaja Hari Singh.

En 1947, le major William Brown, agent politique adjoint à Chilas, est informé que Lord Mountbatten a ordonné la résiliation du bail de 1935 de l'Agence Gilgit (elle a encore 49 ans). L'Agence Gilgit, malgré sa population à 99% musulmane, doit être affectée au règne du maharaja Hari Singh.

Pendant ce temps, des histoires de violences communautaires entre hindous, sikhs et musulmans au Pendjab atteignent Gilgit, enflammant ainsi les passions. Le 26 octobre 1947, le Maharaja signe l'instrument d'adhésion et se joint à l'Inde. (Le document signé n'a jamais été vu.)

Sentant le mécontentement, le major Brown se mutine le 1er novembre 1947. Il renverse le gouverneur, établit un gouvernement provisoire à Gilgit et télégraphie au ministre en chef de la NWFP demandant au Pakistan de prendre la relève. Selon le célèbre historien Ahmed Hasan Dani, malgré le manque de participation du public à la rébellion, les sentiments pro-pakistanais sont forts parmi les civils.

Des membres armés de la tribu Pakhtoon attendent sur une route reliant Peshawar à Rawalpindi leur chef, Bacha Gul, de la tribu des Mohmand. – Extrait avec la permission de Témoin de la vie et de la liberté, Roli Books, Delhi

En apprenant l’accession du Maharaja Hari Singh à l’Inde, ces membres de la tribu attendent Bacha Gul pour les mener au combat au Cachemire. Ils atteignent la banlieue de Srinagar avant d’être refoulés vers les hauteurs de ce qui constitue l’Azad-Cachemire aujourd’hui.

La résistance à Poonch commence par des questions liées à la fiscalité, mais se transforme rapidement en un soulèvement armé quand une réunion publique est déclenchée par les forces de l'Etat du Cachemire. Deux jours plus tard, le ministre en chef du NWFP organise une guérilla pour attaquer les forces du maharaja dans le camp de Dheer Kot. Selon l'historien australien Christopher Snedden, ce sont les musulmans de la région de Poonch au Cachemire qui sont à l'origine du soulèvement et non ceux de tribus Pakhtoon envahissant le Pakistan, comme l'Inde le prétend constamment.

L’affaire de l’Inde sur le Cachemire s’appuie sur une version des faits affirmant que l’intervention militaire de l’Inde répond à une invasion tribale appuyée par le Pakistan. Le 1 er janvier 1948, l’Inde saisit le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies. Le Conseil de sécurité adopte une résolution demandant au Pakistan de se retirer du Jammu-et-Cachemire et à l’Inde de réduire ses forces au minimum, après quoi un plébiscite doit être organisé pour connaître les souhaits du peuple.

Un différend éclate à propos du mécanisme de mise en œuvre à cause duquel le problème du Cachemire reste non résolu à ce jour.


SWAT, 24 NOVEMBRE 1947

LES ASSENTS WALI

Le Wali de l'État princier de Swat, Miangul Abdul Wadud, avec des membres de sa police d'État. – Extrait avec la permission de Témoin de la vie et de la liberté, Roli Books, Delhi

Swat doit son statut d’Etat au déclin des empires sikhs et afghans. Lorsque les Britanniques reprennent Peshawar en 1849, Swat est principalement habitée par Yusufzai Pathans. La même année, la jirga tribale élit Syed Akbar Shah comme roi de Swat – bien que le pouvoir réel à Swat soit confié à Akhund, un chef religieux connu sous le nom de Saidu Baba.

Saidu Baba meurt en 1887 et Swat tombe dans une bagarre entre factions entre ses fils et ses petits-fils.

Enfin, en 1917, la jirga nomme Miangul Abdul Wadud, l’un des petits-fils de l’Akhund, roi. Bien que Miangul Abdul Wadud contrôle la plus grande partie de Swat d’ici à 1923, le Gouvernement indien ne le reconnaît pas officiellement comme dirigeant. Au lieu de cela, en 1926, les Britanniques lui décernèrent le titre de Wali, titre religieux honorifique, car seul le roi empereur en Angleterre avait le droit de recevoir le titre de roi.

Indépendamment de la position britannique, le Wali de Swat est le seul dirigeant élu d'un État princier, en vertu de la jirga.

Miangul Abdul Wadud signe l'instrument d'adhésion permettant à Swat de rejoindre le Pakistan en 1947. À droite, son fils Miangul Abdul Haq Jahanzeb, son petit-fils Miangul Aurangzeb et le secrétaire général de Swat, M. Attaullah. – Avec la permission des archives Miangul Aurangzeb, Swat

En 1931, Swat a une superficie de 18 000 miles carrés et une population de 216 000 habitants. L'État est principalement musulman, mais avec une petite présence hindoue. L’adhésion de Swat au Pakistan est compliquée par l’occupation de Kalam peu avant 1947, qui a également été revendiquée par Chitral et Dir.

Bien que le Pakistan refuse de reconnaître l’occupation et tente de persuader Swat de revenir au statu quo, le Wali, dans l’espoir de recueillir le soutien du Pakistan à la revendication de Swat par Kalam, souhaite vivement accéder au Pakistan. Miangul Jahanzeb, le dernier Wali note que «avec la création du Pakistan, nous avons immédiatement rejoint le nouvel État. Nous étions très patriotes… J'ai parlé au téléphone avec l'agent politique Nawab Shaikh Mehboob Ali et je lui ai dit que nous allions signer l'instrument d'adhésion. ”

Le Wali exécute l'instrument d'adhésion le 24 novembre 1947.


BAHAWALPUR, LE 3 OCTOBRE 1947

L'ACQUIESCES AMIR

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Ali Jinnah et Mlle Fatima Jinnah prennent le thé avec l'amir de Bahawalpur, Nawab Sadiq Mohammad Khan Abbasi V, probablement à sa retraite à Malir, dans la banlieue de Karachi. Debout dans un costume blanc, entre l'Amir et M. Jinnah, se trouve son fils, le futur Nawab. À l'extrême gauche, derrière Mlle Jinnah, se trouve le colonel Hashmi, ADC à l'Amir. – Courtesy Princess Yasmien Abbasi Archive London

Les Nawabs de Bahawalpur prétendent descendre des califes abbassides de Bagdad – et se différencient ainsi des autres princes au pouvoir en Inde. Ils reçoivent leur première concession de terre de l'empereur Nadir Shah et tombent ensuite sous la suzeraineté d'Ahmed Shah Durrani. Lorsque l’Empire Durrani s’effondre, ils assument leur indépendance. Cependant, la montée du pouvoir sikh les incite à signer un traité avec la Compagnie des Indes orientales en 1833, acceptant la suprématie de la Compagnie.

Nawab Sadiq Abbasi devient souverain de Bahawalpur à l'âge de 18 mois et jusqu'en 1924, l'État est dirigé par la régence de sa sœur aînée.

En 1941, Bahawalpur a une superficie de 17 494 km² et une population de plus de 1,3 million de sujets. En 1947, le Nawab est en mauvaise santé. il est en Angleterre et ses médecins lui conseillent d'y rester. C'est un moment crucial pour Bahawalpur. l'État a des frontières contiguës avec l'Inde et le Pakistan et peut choisir d'adhérer à l'un ou l'autre pays. Cependant, aucune décision ne peut être prise en l’absence du Nawab. Sir Penderel Moon, historien et également ministre des Travaux publics du gouvernement Bahawalpur, a déclaré: «Contrairement aux dirigeants du Congrès, Jinnah n'était pas hostile aux princes au pouvoir et ne prévoyait pas de les balayer ou de réduire leurs pouvoirs.

En avril 1947, Mushtaq Ahmed Gurmani, ministre unioniste du Pendjab, est nommé Premier ministre de l'État. À l'approche de la date du transfert du pouvoir, des rumeurs circulent selon lesquelles Bahawalpur pourrait accéder à l'Inde.

Le 15 août 1947, Nawab Sadiq Abbasi se déclare Amir (dirigeant indépendant) et annonce sa volonté de permettre au Pakistan et à Bahawalpur "de parvenir à un arrangement constitutionnel satisfaisant". Le gouvernement du Pakistan, alarmé par les intentions de Bahawalpur, se sûr de l'adhésion de l'État au Pakistan. Les négociations sont bloquées lorsque le Nawab décide de retourner en Angleterre.

Malgré les rumeurs selon lesquelles M. Gurmani envisage l’adhésion de Bahawalpur à l’Inde, il ne s’oppose pas à l’adhésion; la seule complication est la signature de l'émir qu'il donne le 3 octobre 1947.

L'émir de Bahawalpur, Nawab Sadiq Mohammad Khan Abbasi V en grand costume. – Courtesy Princess Yasmien Abbasi Archive London

Nawab Sadiq Abbasi est le dernier dirigeant en place avant l’arrivée de Bahawalpur au Pakistan. Il suit la tradition des califes abbassides en parcourant son état sous un déguisement afin de mieux comprendre ce qui est nécessaire pour une gouvernance efficace.

Il construit des écoles, des hôpitaux, des routes, des ponts et un système de canaux agricoles pour créer davantage de terres arables dans le désert. Il possède l'une des plus belles collections de timbres au monde et possède l'une des plus grandes collections de Rolls-Royces et Bentley sur mesure. Il est connu pour son amour des objets d'art et de la gastronomie.


KHAIRPUR, LE 3 OCTOBRE 1947

BIENVENUE AU PRINCE GARÇON

Mir George Ali Mourad Khan Talpur II – «le petit prince de Khairpur» – à Faiz Mahal, Khairpur, en décembre 1947. Il est assis sur son trône, tenant une épée, sous le regard de son régent, Mir Ghulam Hussain Khan Talpur. – Archives de la famille Mir de Khairpur

La domination de Talpur dans le Sind commence en 1783, lorsque Mir Fateh Ali Khan de Hyderabad se déclare Rais of Sindh, après avoir obtenu un fermier à cet effet du roi, Shah Zaman Durrani. Le neveu de Mir Fateh Ali Khan Talpur, Mir Suhrab Khan, s’installe à Rohri et jette les bases de l’État de Khairpur.

Reconnaissant la puissance croissante de la Compagnie des Indes orientales, le Mir offre son aide aux Britanniques lors de la première guerre d’Afghanistan. C'est une décision astucieuse, car la survie de Khairpur est en grande partie une conséquence de cette politique.

Le 24 juillet 1947, les Britanniques destituent Mir Faiz Muhammad Khan II, qui est au pouvoir, de son état de santé fragile et désignent son fils, Mir George Ali Murad Khan Talpur II, au pouvoir, au pouvoir. Comme il est mineur, un conseil de régence est créé avec une présidence tournante composée de proches parents masculins du Mir-Mir Ghulam. Hussain Khan Talpur est un de ces régents.

Au début des années 1940, Khairpur couvre une superficie de 6 050 milles carrés et sa population est estimée à environ 300 000 habitants, dont seize pour cent sont des non-musulmans.

Une grande partie de la voie ferrée Lahore-Karachi se trouve dans l’État, ce qui explique pourquoi le Gouvernement pakistanais estime que son intégration est importante.

Le 4 août 1947, le gouvernement de Khairpur a annoncé que le 15 août 1947 serait célébré comme le jour de l’indépendance de Khairpur. Cependant, des efforts répétés du gouvernement pakistanais ont finalement convaincu Mir Ghulam Hussain Khan Talpur de signer l'instrument d'adhésion au nom du jeune prince le 3 octobre 1947 – le même jour que Bahawalpur y a adhéré.

Ainsi, le même jour, le Pakistan gagne deux États princiers précieux, non seulement en termes de masse continentale, mais également en termes de terres agricoles, d’industries naissantes et de valeur stratégique.

LAHORE 1946-47

UN ENGAGEMENT AVEC LES PIONNIERS

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah en conversation animée avec un groupe d'étudiants sur les pelouses de l'université du Punjab, Lahore, le 7 janvier 1946. La photographie est prise par le photographe de premier plan du mouvement pakistanais, Faustin Elmer Chaudhry. – Avec la permission des archives du musée de Lahore

Les étudiants, en particulier ceux du Pendjab, jouent un rôle central lors des élections générales de 1945.

Les élections sont vitales pour la Ligue musulmane, car si elles ne remportent pas les sièges des musulmans, le Congrès et le gouvernement britannique décideront de ne plus débattre de la demande du Pakistan. En conséquence, la Ligue musulmane cherche à mobiliser des étudiants musulmans.

Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan exhorte les étudiants de l'Université musulmane d'Aligarh à abandonner leurs études pendant un certain temps et à faire campagne pour la Ligue musulmane. Un camp d’entraînement est organisé sur le campus et les étudiants suivent des cours de formation avant d’être envoyés dans diverses régions de la province. Un bureau d’élection ouvre au Collège Islamia de Lahore et la Fédération des étudiants musulmans du Pendjab met en place un conseil électoral chargé de diffuser le message de la Ligue des musulmans.

Deux cents étudiants sont invités à visiter 20 circonscriptions électorales réparties dans 400 villages. À la fin de la campagne, la Ligue musulmane a indiqué que 60 000 villages étaient visités par leurs militants étudiants.

À la suite de cette mobilisation massive des étudiants, la Ligue musulmane remporte une victoire remarquable, effaçant l’échec des élections de 1936-1937.

Les dirigeantes de la Ligue musulmane sont libérées de la prison du Pendjab en mars 1947. Première rangée, de gauche à droite: Begum Nasira Kiani, Begum Jahanara Shah Nawaz; deuxième rangée (derrière Begum Shah Nawaz, de gauche à droite): Mlle Mumtaz Shah Nawaz, Fatima Begum, Dr Hassan Ara Begum et Begum Kamal-ud-din. Begum Salma Tasadduque Hussain se tient derrière Miss Shah Nawaz. – Avec la permission des archives du musée de Lahore

Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan décède en 1942. Déterminé à empêcher toute tentative de Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah d'intervenir dans la politique du Pendjab, son successeur, Malik Khizar Hayat Khan Tiwana, ignore le pacte Jinnah-Sikandar de 1937.

Lorsque les négociations échouent, Malik Khizar Hayat Khan Tiwana est exclu de la Ligue musulmane. Les élections de 1945 confirment que la Ligue musulmane est le parti le plus important de la législature du Pendjab. Cependant, le gouvernement britannique ne les appelle pas à former le gouvernement; ils demandent à Malik Khizar Hayat Khan Tiwana de concocter un gouvernement majoritaire par le biais d'une coalition avec les membres hindous et sikhs de l'assemblée.

Cela mène à une campagne de désobéissance civile dans le Pendjab, puis à une agitation de masse lorsque les dirigeants de la Ligue musulmane sont arrêtés en janvier 1947. Les femmes de la Ligue musulmane défient l'interdiction de manifester et d'être arrêtées par un tribunal. Finalement, le gouvernement de coalition est paralysé, Malik Khizar Hayat Khan Tiwana démissionne et le pouvoir du gouverneur est imposé.

Les femmes, comme les étudiantes, jouent un rôle essentiel dans la création du Pakistan.


LA GARDE NATIONALE 1948

Habiliter les femmes

Zeenat Rashid, capitaine de la Garde nationale féminine du Sind, explique comment utiliser un lathi à Karachi le 1er novembre 1947. – Avec l'aimable autorisation de Seafield Archive

La Garde nationale des femmes du Sind est un petit groupe d’environ 25 à 30 adolescentes qui portent des uniformes blancs, apprennent les premiers soins, s’autodéfense et encouragent les citoyens à voter.

Cette photo est prise en 1947 et Zeenat Rashid a 18 ans. Son père, Haji Abdullah Haroon, est décédé cinq ans plus tôt. Sa mère, Lady Nusrat Abdullah Haroon, continue d’être une figure dominante du mouvement pakistanais. En sa qualité de capitaine de la Garde nationale féminine du Sind, Zeenat Rashid rassemble 35 écolières pour former le caucus du contingent de jeunes femmes de Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

Elle explique: «Le Quaid-i-Azam nous a dit:« Les femmes sont aux côtés des hommes. Que faites-vous, jeunes gens? ». La réponse de Zeenat Rashid à son héros était:« Nous sommes prêts; que veux-tu que nous fassions?"

Plus tard, dans une interview avec le magazine Life, elle raconte que: «Nous étions un symbole. M. Jinnah voulait montrer aux gens qu'au Pakistan, les femmes feraient des choses. Nous n’avons pas couvert la tête! Quelle absurdité. Nous étions un symbole de progrès. "

Son plus grand moment? Nous sommes en 1947 et elle pratique avec la Garde nationale féminine du Sind en brandissant un lathi. C’est alors que Margaret Bourke-White capture ces moments magiques. L’image ci-dessus fait partie d’une série d’images de la couverture du Pakistan par le magazine Life en janvier 1948.


UN PUNJAB DÉMOCRATIQUE 1937-47

PERSUASION CONVIVIALE

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah avec Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, probablement au moment de la signature du pacte Jinnah-Sikandar en 1937. – Avec la permission des Archives nationales d'Islamabad

Après avoir remporté les élections générales au Pendjab en 1937, Sir Sikandar, chef du parti unioniste au Pendjab, fait face à de nombreuses pressions exercées par nombre de ses collègues parlementaires musulmans. Conscient de la nécessité de maintenir une position équitable dans un milieu politique divisé en Pendjab, Sir Sikandar entame des négociations avec M. Jinnah. En conséquence, le pacte Jinnah-Sikandar est signé.

Le pacte est essentiellement un arrangement selon lequel la Ligue musulmane représentera les musulmans au niveau national, tandis que les unionistes maintiendront une certaine indépendance au niveau provincial.

La capacité de M. Jinnah à gérer diverses nuances dans la tapisserie du Pendjab grâce à la persuasion démocratique se reflète dans l’ascension au pouvoir de la Ligue musulmane après 1947.

Mian Iftikharuddin est un descendant de la famille Arain Mian, dépositaire des jardins Shalimar de Lahore. Il commence sa carrière politique au Congrès et accède à la présidence du Punjab. En 1945, il rejoint la Ligue musulmane. Après la partition, il est élu premier président de la Ligue musulmane de la province du Punjab. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah le nomme ministre de la réadaptation des réfugiés.

En 1947, Mian Iftikharuddin fonde le Pakistan Times; Faiz Ahmed Faiz est nommé rédacteur en chef.

En 1949, la proposition de Mian Iftikharuddin de réformes agraires dans le Pendjab a provoqué une réaction négative des dirigeants féodaux de la Ligue musulmane. Déçu, il démissionne de son ministère et est exclu de la Ligue musulmane en 1951.

Après sa mort en 1962, Faiz Ahmed Faiz lui rend hommage avec ce couplet: Jo rukey tu koh-e-garan thay hum / Jo chalay tu jaan dit guzar gaye / Raah-e-yaar hum qadam qadam / Tujhay yaadgaar banaa diya (Car quand nous sommes restés, nous nous sommes élevés comme des montagnes / et quand nous nous sommes égarés, nous avons laissé la vie loin derrière nous / compagnon de route, chaque pas que nous avons fait / est devenu un mémorial pour ta vie)

C’est un hommage à la sagacité politique de M. Jinnah qu’il peut mobiliser des talents tels que Mian Iftikharuddin pour travailler au sein de son gouvernement au Pendjab.


KARACHI & DELHI 1947

Un triomphe et une tragédie

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah et Altaf Husain, rédacteur en chef Dawn Delhi, devant la résidence de M. Jinnah à Delhi, le 3 juin 1947. – Avec la permission des archives Altaf Husain et des archives Dawn / White Star

Dawn Delhi et Dawn Karachi sont fondés par M. Jinnah. M. Husain est nommé pour la première fois rédacteur en chef de Dawn Delhi en 1945; son prédécesseur était Pothan Joseph. En août 1947, les manifestants de Jan Sangh accusent les journalistes de Dawn Delhi d’avoir tiré sur la procession de Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. C'est à ce moment-là que M. Jinnah demande que M. Husain soit transféré à Karachi et assume la direction de Dawn Karachi, qui est publiée par la famille du défunt ami de M. Jinnah, Haji Abdullah Haroon. Il est évident pour lui que Dawn Delhi ne survivra pas aux menaces du Jan Sangh. Dawn Delhi est incendiée le 14 septembre 1947. Malgré cela, Dawn Karachi continue de porter l'inscription: «Publié simultanément de Delhi et de Karachi» sur le mât jusqu'au 21 octobre 1947, date à laquelle elle a été supprimée et M. Jinnah accepte la réalité: Dawn Delhi n'est plus.

La perte de Dawn Delhi est une tragédie pour M. Jinnah, car c’est le document qu’il a fondé et nourri en 1941 pour transmettre le message de la Ligue musulmane à travers l’Inde non divisée. Son triomphe est la survie de Dawn Karachi.

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah et Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan avec le personnel de Dawn Delhi. – Avec la permission des archives Altaf Husain et des archives Dawn / White Star

À la droite de M. Jinnah se trouve Pothan Joseph, rédacteur en chef de Dawn Delhi. Derrière Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan se trouve Hamid Zuberi, qui rejoint ensuite Dawn Karachi; Mahmud Husain, Directeur général, Dawn Delhi, se trouve à gauche de Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan.

M. Jinnah fonde Dawn Delhi le 19 octobre 1941 pour représenter les vues des musulmans indiens. Les bureaux sont situés dans un ancien bâtiment du quartier de Daryaganj à Delhi. Le mobilier est modeste, le personnel minimal et le salaire peu élevé. Pourtant, tout le monde est plein de zèle. M. Jinnah et ses rédacteurs – Pothan Joseph, puis Altaf Husain – leur inspirent un fort esprit nationaliste alors que le journal se bat pour la justice et le fair-play des musulmans.

KARACHI 1948

L'ARCHITECTE DE LA NATION

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah reporte son attention sur une partition musicale de l'hymne national pakistanais après avoir inspecté un régiment anti-aérien à Malir le 21 février 1948. – Avec la permission des archives du musée de Lahore

L’intérêt personnel de M. Jinnah pour le choix de l’hymne national témoigne de son souci du détail pour tout ce qui touche l’avenir du Pakistan. (Son soin antérieur à concevoir le drapeau national, avec sa large bande blanche représentant les minorités, est une preuve supplémentaire de l'importance qu'il attribue à ces questions.)

On ignore s'il s'agit de la partition composée par Ahmed Ghulamali Chagla et sélectionnée en 1949. Les paroles sont écrites jusqu'en 1952 par Hafeez Jullundhri. En 1954, l’hymne est officiellement adopté en tant que qaumi tarana du Pakistan.

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah et Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan se consultent sur la politique nationale dans les premiers jours du Pakistan. – Avec la permission des archives du musée de Lahore

En tant que gouverneur général, M. Jinnah dirige la politique de la nation en produisant des résultats significatifs. Il nomme le Cabinet fédéral pakistanais et, en l’absence de constitution, modifie et applique la loi de 1935 sur le gouvernement de l’Inde. Il réorganise la fonction publique et développe des relations cordiales avec les voisins pakistanais et l’Occident. Le 30 septembre 1947, le Pakistan devient membre de l'ONU. Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan joue un rôle important dans ces affaires.

Les critiques affirment que les relations entre Jinnah et Liaquat se sont détériorées au cours des derniers jours de M. Jinnah. Cette hypothèse ne tient pas compte du fait que M. Jinnah n’a jamais révoqué sa décision de désigner Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan comme l’un des trois exécuteurs de son testament – ce qui n’est pas une mince affaire pour une personne aussi particulière que M. Jinnah en ce qui concerne sa vie privée. questions.

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah inaugure la Banque d'État du Pakistan à Karachi le 1er juillet 1948. Il est accompagné de Zahid Hussain, le premier gouverneur de la Banque d'État. – Avec la permission des Archives nationales d'Islamabad

Pour M. Jinnah, "l'ouverture de la Banque d'État du Pakistan symbolise la souveraineté de notre État dans la sphère financière".

Conformément à l’ordonnance de 1947 sur le système monétaire et la banque de réserve du Pakistan, la Banque de réserve de l’Inde doit demeurer la monnaie et l’autorité bancaire du Pakistan jusqu’au 30 septembre 1948. À cette date, M. Jinnah procède à l’inauguration avant l’échéance de ce délai. le 1er juillet 1948.


PESHAWAR 1945-48

PASSANT LE DERNIER FRONTIER

En novembre 1945, les chefs Afridi présentent un pain traditionnel à Peshawar, à Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. – Avec l'aimable autorisation des Archives nationales d'Islamabad

Lors de cette deuxième visite au NWFP, M. Jinnah a pris la parole lors de rassemblements à Peshawar, à Mardan et dans les zones tribales. Depuis 1937, un gouvernement Congrès-Chemise rouge est au pouvoir dans le NWFP. The Muslim League’s popularity is surging amidst Muslim dissatisfaction that although Hindus and Sikhs account for only seven percent of the representation in the Assembly, the British Government has accorded them a disproportionate 24% of the seats.

However, the problems in the NWFP are not communal; they arise from a clash between the Hindu-financed Congress-Redshirt government and the Muslim League, and are further complicated by the tribes who, broadly speaking, are in sympathy with the Muslim League.

In February 1947, the Muslim League launches a civil disobedience movement against the Congress-Redshirt government, which rapidly gains momentum. As Partition approaches, the Congress agree to the British proposal to hold a referendum on the future of the NWFP. In June, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan announces the boycott of the referendum and calls for the establishment of an independent state for Pakhtoons called ‘Pathanistan’. The stock of the Congress-Redshirt government in the NWFP plummets and the momentum swings to the Muslim League.

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah in Landi Kotal on April 11, 1948. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

This is Mr Jinnah’s third visit to the NWFP; he spends 10 days touring the province from Khyber to Gomal. This special equation between Mr Jinnah and the tribesmen is a major factor in the Muslim League’s landslide victory in the 1947 referendum on the decision to join Pakistan.

Mr Jinnah has secured the Frontier for Pakistan.


LAHORE 1947

RECLAIMING THE HEARTLAND

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah addresses a mammoth rally at Lahore’s University Stadium on October 30, 1947. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

The violence that mars Partition is a period of great personal anguish for Mr Jinnah. Yet, his clarity of thought is unimpaired. He states: “Some people might think that the acceptance of the June 3, 1947 Plan was a mistake on the part of the Muslim League. I would like to tell them that the consequences of any other alternative would have been too disastrous to imagine…”

A man who has never compromised on his essential beliefs, he continues with conviction: “The tenets of Islam enjoin on every Musalman to give protection to his neighbours and to the minorities regardless of caste and creed. Despite the treatment which is being meted out to the Muslim minorities in India, we must make it a matter of our prestige and honour to safeguard the lives of the minority communities…”

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah campaigns at the Badshahi Mosque during the 1936-37 provincial elections. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

Despite Mr Jinnah’s campaign efforts, the Muslim League lose these elections.

In Punjab, the Unionists, led by Sir Sikandar Hayat, win 67 of the 175 seats; the Congress 18 seats and the Akali Dal 10 seats. Although many Muslim Unionists are ardent supporters of the Muslim League, the Unionist party in Punjab formally constitutes a distinct entity and the Muslim vote is divided.

The election loss galvanises the Muslim League to redouble their efforts in Punjab and turn themselves into a credible alternative to the Unionists and reclaim Punjab. They achieve this in the 1945 elections.


BALOCHISTAN 1943-48

WINNING HEARTS AND MINDS

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Qazi Isa are cheered by the Muslim Student Federation in Quetta. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

Mr Isa, a prominent leader of the Pakistan Movement, plays a pivotal role in facilitating Mr Jinnah’s visit to Balochistan and his meetings with Baloch leaders. This is one of several visits Mr Jinnah makes to Balochistan.

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah is welcomed by Nawab Akbar Bugti and prominent Baloch tribal leaders at the Royal Durbar in Sibi, on February 11, 1948. — Courtesy Sherbaz Mazari Archives

During Mr Jinnah’s stay in Sibi, he schedules three meetings with the Khan of Kalat to discuss matters related to the accession of Kalat.

The last meeting is scheduled for February 14 in Harboi, the Khan of Kalat’s mountain estate. The meeting is cancelled due to the sudden ‘illness’ of the Khan.

Balochistan consists of British Balochistan, the state of Kalat, Lasbela, Kharan and Makran; the latter three are placed under Kalat’s rule as fiduciary states by the British. Three months before Partition, Mr Jinnah is in negotiations with the British on the future status of Kalat and of British Balochistan. After several meetings between Lord Mountbatten, Mr Jinnah and the Khan, a Standstill Agreement between Pakistan and Kalat is announced on August 11, 1947, with a proviso that there will be further discussions with respect to an agreement on defence, external affairs and communications.

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Mir Ahmad Yar Khan, the Khan of Kalat, on October 15, 1945. — Courtesy Khan of Kalat Family Archives

Mr Jinnah then undergoes a change of thinking. His view is that Kalat should sign the Instrument of Accession, just as the other Princely States have done, but the Khan and the Dar-ul-Awam Assembly resist.

By March 18, 1948, Lasbela, Kharan and Makran accede to Pakistan and on March 26, 1948, Pakistan’s Army moves into Jiwani, Pasni and Turbat.

On March 28, 1948, the Khan agrees to merge his now landlocked state with Pakistan. The agreement is backdated to August 15, 1947.

Despite the many disagreements along the way, Mr Jinnah’s efforts succeed in winning the hearts and minds that matter.

1947

EXODUS

Muslim refugees from East Punjab and the United Provinces climb atop trains at Amritsar Railway Station to head towards Lahore. — Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

Immediately after Partition, massive population exchanges occur between India and Pakistan. Six-and-a-half million Muslims move from India to West Pakistan and 4.7 million Hindus and Sikhs from West Pakistan to India.

Only thirty-two miles separate Amritsar from Lahore. Hindus and Sikhs constitute about a third of Lahore’s population and in Amritsar, Muslims account for half of the city’s population. Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs have links in both cities; some have their homes in one and their businesses in the other. Then Partition intervenes and from August to November 1947 huge caravans of refugees from both cities join the mass exodus; Muslims are fleeing from East Punjab and Hindus and Sikhs from West Punjab.

This exodus is accompanied by unprecedented violence on both sides and is most tragically witnessed in the attacks on trains crammed with refugees, and the arrival of trainloads of corpses at both ends of the railway line. The violence destroys 4,000 houses in Lahore and most of the 6,000 houses in the Walled City are badly damaged. Amritsar is the worst affected city in Punjab, with almost 10,000 buildings burnt down.

Hindu refugees wait to board ship at Karachi Harbour and embark for Bombay. — Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

Although in the second half of 1947 Sindh is still relatively free of communal violence, Hindus and Sikhs begin migrating to India. According to noted Sindh historian, Dr Hamida Khuhro, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah “fully expected to retain the minority communities in Pakistan” and Ayub Khuhro, his Chief Minister in Sindh, declares the “Hindus to be an essential part of the society and economy of the province.”

Yet, events spin out of control as violence breaks out in Ajmer on December 6, 1947, and then in the Thar Desert, where Muslim casualties are high. On January 6, 1948, anti-Hindu riots break out in Karachi and the situation is aggravated when new arrivals from India forcefully take possession of houses in Karachi and Hyderabad that are still occupied by their Hindu owners.

In September 1947, according to estimates published by the Times of India, 12,000 non-Muslims leave Sindh for Mewar and other Princely States via Hyderabad (Sindh) and approximately 60,000 non-Muslims leave Karachi by rail, sea and air. In Bombay alone, 290,000 non-Muslims arrive on January 7, 1948 after leaving Karachi on August 15, 1947.


AUGUST 1947

A PUNJAB TORN ASUNDER

Too weak to walk on her own, a woman sits on her husband’s shoulders as Sikhs and Hindus brave the unforgiving October heat during their migration to eastern Punjab from Lahore.— Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

Sir Cyril Radcliffe arrives in India on July 8, 1947. His instructions are to draw up a boundary line between India and Pakistan by August 15, 1947. His objections to the short time frame are ignored. The problem is that Punjab’s population distribution is such that no boundary can divide Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims without massive disruption.

The Commission has four representatives; two from the Congress and two from the Muslim League. But the bitterness between the two sides means that the final decision is Sir Cyril's alone.

As soon as the Commission announces the demarcation line on August 17, 1947, mass migration movements erupt, as Hindus and Sikhs in West Punjab move east, and Muslims in East Punjab move west.

Over the following days, the migrations assume staggering proportions and the violence on all sides of the communal spectrum is catastrophic, and estimates of the death toll vary between 200,000 and two million.

Mr Radcliffe leaves India immediately after completing the demarcation, destroying all his papers before departing.

In 1966, W.H. Auden, the celebrated English poet writes a poem on Mr Radcliffe’s Partition, evoking the difficulties of his task:

“Shut up in a lonely mansion, with police night and day/ Patrolling the gardens to keep assassins away,/ He got down to work, to the task of settling the fate/ Of millions. The maps at his disposal were out of date/ And the Census Returns almost certainly incorrect/ …But in seven weeks it was done, the frontiers decided,/ A continent for better or worse divided.”

Punjab was indeed torn asunder.

KARACHI AUGUST 15 1947

ENTER THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah is sworn in as the first Governor-General of Pakistan. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

“I, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, do solemnly affirm true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of Pakistan as by law established, and that I will be faithful to His Majesty King George VI, in the office of Governor-General of Pakistan.”

It is Friday, August 15, 1947 and as Mr Jinnah speaks these words, as enunciated in the Indian Independence Act, 1947, the culminating moment of his long struggle for Pakistan is at hand. The oath of office is administered by Mian Abdul Rashid, the Chief Justice of the Lahore High Court (Mian Abdul Rashid later becomes the first Chief Justice of Pakistan). A thirty-one gun salute follows immediately.

Next, the first Cabinet of Pakistan is sworn in. Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan is appointed as the first Prime Minister. Cabinet Ministers include I.I. Chundrigar (Trade & Commerce); Malik Ghulam Muhammad (Finance); Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar (Communications); Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan (Food, Agriculture & Health); Jogendra Nath Mandal (Law & Labour); and Mir Fazlur Rahman (Interior, Information & Education).

Following these ceremonies, Mr Jinnah, resplendent in a white sharkskin sherwani, walks towards the naval guard and acknowledges their salute. Although it is the month of August, the day’s heat dissipates under slightly overcast skies and the light incoming winds from the Arabian Sea.

Mr Jinnah walks down the steps of the cascading patio and on to the lawns of Government House, where dignitaries, diplomats, government functionaries and political veterans wait to congratulate him. On the outside perimeter, cheering crowds gather, intent on catching a glimpse of their Governor-General.

The last image of Mr Jinnah and Miss Fatima Jinnah on this historic day is of them waving from one of the balconies of Government House as the Pakistan flag flutters in the wind.


KARACHI AUGUST 1947

PAKISTAN ZINDABAD

Saeed Haroon – a salar (commander) of the Muslim League National Guard and former National Guard ADC to Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, leads a procession towards Boulton Market in Karachi.— Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

The All-India Muslim League National Guard, founded in the United Provinces in 1931, is a quasi-military organisation associated with the Muslim League. The goal of the National Guard is to mobilise and inspire young Muslims with the values of tolerance, sacrifice and discipline. In 1934, the National Guard is given a further boost by Mr Jinnah and the organisation spreads across all the states of united India to activate participation in the Pakistan Movement.

The rally pictured here is met by a mammoth crowd raising the twin slogans of “Leke Rahenge Pakistan” and “Leke Rahenge Kashmir.” This rally in Karachi is part of an overall effort to mobilise all sections of the country in favour of Pakistan in the wake of Independence.

This photograph of Saeed Haroon was taken by Margaret Bourke-White and appeared in the San Francisco Chronicle in 1947 and subsequently as part of a series of images in Life magazine’s cover story on Pakistan in January 1948.


BOMBAY AUGUST 1947

THE SOLE SPOKESMAN

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah stands in the study of his South Court residence on Mount Pleasant Road in Malabar Hills, Bombay’s most exclusive residential neighbourhood. — Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

We are a few weeks before Mr Jinnah’s final departure for Karachi, where he will be sworn in as Pakistan’s first Governor General.

For the moment he is still able to enjoy the pleasures of his well-appointed home in Bombay.

A long journey has taken him from being the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity to becoming the sole spokesman for the Muslims of undivided India. This remarkable transition in his political career is analysed in The Sole Spokesman, a groundbreaking work by Pakistani historian, Dr Ayesha Jalal.

Single-handedly Dr Jalal transforms the whole prism through which Mr Jinnah’s career is viewed after his return from a self-imposed exile in London, and her work is a source of inspiration for many subsequent historians in South Asia and abroad, including the former Indian foreign minister, Jaswant Singh.

Here, Dr Jalal explains the dynamics of the concept of the sole spokesman.

Mr Jinnah was representing a divided Muslim community that needed to speak with one voice in order to be effective in the negotiations to determine independent India’s constitutional future. So when Mr Jinnah spoke to the British and the Congress, he claimed to represent all Muslims – be it in Muslim majority provinces or in Muslim minority ones.

Earlier in his career, Mr Jinnah had been styled the “ambassador for Hindu-Muslim unity” by his political mentor in the Congress, Gopal Krishna Gokhale. Here, by contrast, Mr Jinnah himself claimed to be the sole spokesman of all Indian Muslims, a tactic that was intended to counter the Congress’s claim to speak on behalf of all Indians and paper over the cracks within the Indian Muslims. The remarkable corollary to this was that throughout his political career,

Mr Jinnah consistently championed minority rights. He demonstrated this aspect in his first address to the Pakistan Constituent Assembly in August 1947 and in subsequent statements in the post-independence period. There was a paradoxical side effect to Mr Jinnah’s claim to be the sole spokesman of the Muslims in India. The Congress used Mr Jinnah’s demand for Muslim self-determination to insist on similar rights for non-Muslims in the two main Muslim majority provinces of Bengal and Punjab.

Pressed by the Hindu Mahasabha, the Congress high command called for the partition of these two provinces in March 1947, turning Mr Jinnah’s idea of an undivided Punjab and undivided Bengal for the Muslim state of Pakistan on its head.

This is why, concludes Dr Jalal, “it is a mistake to confuse the demand for Pakistan with the truncated Pakistan that emerged after the partition of Bengal and Punjab.”


KARACHI AUGUST 14, 1947

THE QUAID ASSUMES POWER

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah delivers his reply to the Viceroy’s address at the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan to mark the transfer of power between the British Government and Pakistan and India. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

Seated behind him on the podium is Lord Louis Mountbatten. Lady Edwina Mountbatten is seated beneath the podium on the left.

Three days earlier, on August 11, 1947, at the inaugural session of the Constituent Assembly in Karachi, Mr Jinnah delivers a landmark address, setting out some of the key components of his vision for Pakistan. On the subject of the freedom of religious expression he says: “You are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed, that has nothing to do with the business of the state… We are all equal citizens of one state.”

Now, Mr Jinnah prepares for the Dominion of Pakistan to assume power… Lord Mountbatten has returned to his seat after delivering his address to mark the transfer of power. In his speech Lord Mountbatten says: “I would like to express my tribute to Mr Jinnah. Our close personal contact and the mutual trust and understanding that have grown out of it are, I feel, the best omens for future good relations…”

Mr Jinnah, dressed in a white sharkskin sherwani, in measured extempore and with a few notes in his hand, replies: “Your Excellency, I thank His Majesty the King on behalf of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly and myself for his gracious message… Great responsibilities lie ahead… It will be our continuous effort to work for the welfare and well-being of all the communities in Pakistan…”

The next day, Mr Jinnah will be sworn in as Pakistan’s first Governor General by the Chief Justice of the Lahore High Court, Mian Abdul Rashid.

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Miss Fatima Jinnah, Lord Louis Mountbatten and Lady Edwina Mountbatten face jubilant crowds as they leave the Constituent Assembly. — Courtesy Directorate of Electronic Media and Publications [DEMP], Ministry of Information Broadcasting & National Heritage, Islamabad

Mr Jinnah and Lord Mountbatten drive together to Government House in a gleaming Rolls-Royce. Later in the afternoon, Lord and Lady Mountbatten leave for Delhi to attend the independence celebrations in India.


DELHI JUNE 3, 1947

ONWARDS TO PARTITION

Lord Mountbatten announces the British Government’s plan for the Partition of India. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

Earl Louis Mountbatten of Burma, the last viceroy of India is seated in his study at Viceroy House. To the right are Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan and Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar (for the Muslim League). To the left are Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Acharya Kripalani (for the Congress) and Baldev Singh (representing the Sikhs). Seated behind Lord Mountbatten are General Lord Ismay (right), his chief of staff, and Sir Eric Miéville (left), his private secretary.

It is June 3, 1947, and failed viceregal initiatives, such as the Simla Conference, the London Conference and the Cabinet Mission Plan – even the killings of Direct Action Day – are matters to be left behind. All hopes for a united India are dead. The sole question is how to proceed with the division of India.

Lord Mountbatten announces the British Government’s plan for the Partition of India, to be implemented under the Indian Independence Act, 1947. British India will be divided into two new and fully sovereign dominions with effect from August 15, 1947. Bengal and Punjab will be partitioned between the two new dominions. Legislative authority is conferred upon the Constituent Assemblies of the two dominions and British suzerainty over the Princely States ends on August 15, 1947.

The meeting is followed by separate broadcasts on All India Radio by Lord Mountbatten, Mr Nehru, Mr Jinnah and Mr Singh.

This is the parting of ways. A few weeks later, Mr Jinnah and Mr Nehru assume their responsibilities respectively in Karachi and Delhi.

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan at the former’s residence at 10, Aurangzeb Road. — Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

A lawyer by training, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan enters politics in 1923. Throughout the struggle for Pakistan, he is a close associate and friend of Mr Jinnah. After Mr Jinnah’s death, his name appears as one of three executors of his will.

He serves as Pakistan’s first prime minister until his assassination on the grounds of Company Bagh, Rawalpindi, in 1951.

CALCUTTA AUGUST 16, 1946

THE AFTERMATH

Vultures feed on corpses strewn across an alleyway in Calcutta. — Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

As dusk descends, the results of the riots that erupt on Direct Action Day are all too clear. It is a day of untrammelled rioting and slaughter between Hindus and Muslims.

Trouble starts in the morning, even before the Muslim League rally, scheduled for noon at the Ochterlony Monument, begins. The Premier of Bengal, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and his predecessor, Khawaja Nazimuddin are the main speakers. Tensions rise and Khawaja Nazimuddin pleads for restraint.

The moment the rally is over, the crowd, incensed by unconfirmed reports that all the injured are Muslims, start attacking Hindu-owned shops. Hindus and Sikhs lie in wait; as soon as they catch a Muslim, they hack him into pieces. By six o’clock a curfew is imposed; at eight o’clock troops secure the main routes and conduct patrols.

Although the worst affected areas are brought under control by late afternoon and the army presence is extended overnight, the killing escalates the next day. In the slums and areas outside military control, the violence gains in intensity. On August 18, buses and taxis loaded with Sikhs and Hindus armed with swords, iron bars and firearms appear. The communal slaughter continues unabated until August 21, when Bengal is placed under Viceroy Rule.

The violence claims an estimated 3,000 dead and 17,000 injured.


CALCUTTA AUGUST 1946

FACING THE UNKNOWABLE

It is the eve of Direct Action Day. Bengal Premier, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy (right), is engrossed in a telephone conversation at his residence in Calcutta. Khawaja Nazimuddin, his predecessor, is seated next to him. — Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

Mr Suhrawardy is the last premier of Bengal under the Raj. He is a prominent leader of the Muslim League and serves as mayor of Calcutta in the 1930s. In ten years’ time, he will be Pakistan’s fifth prime minister. Two years later, Khawaja Nazimuddin will be Pakistan’s second governor general and subsequently Pakistan’s second prime minister.

One month earlier, the Muslim League and Congress, for different reasons, reject the Cabinet Mission Plan. The Congress are intransigent in their opposition to any kind of equal Muslim representation at the centre. It is clear that agreement cannot be reached and Mr Jinnah announces a countrywide Direct Action Day on August 16, 1946 to demonstrate the Muslim League’s determination that any arrangement following a British withdrawal must include parity at the centre.

As Direct Action Day breaks, no one can predict that the events that unfold will come to be known as the Great Calcutta Killings. Meetings and processions take place all across India, and all with minimal disturbance – with one exception – Calcutta. Perhaps because the situation in Bengal is particularly complex.

Although Muslims represent the majority of the population (56%), they are concentrated in eastern Bengal. In Calcutta, the ratio is reversed and Hindus constitute 64% of the population. As a result, Calcutta’s population is divided into two antagonistic entities.

Adding fuel to fire, tensions are running high. Hindu and Muslim communal newspapers are whipping up public sentiment with inflammatory reporting. And on the day itself, political leaders fail to anticipate the emotional response the word ‘nation’ evokes; it is no longer a political slogan – it has become a reality, politically and in the popular imagination.

Against this backdrop, Direct Action Day becomes symbolic of the carnage Hindu-Muslim antagonism will trigger in the days leading up, and subsequent, to Partition.

It is a day neither the Muslim League, the Congress nor the British administration could foresee.


DELHI JULY 1946

RENOUNCING THE PLAN

The Quaid-i-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, is announcing the Muslim League’s rejection of the Cabinet Mission Plan at a press conference and calls for a Direct Action Day on Friday, August 16, 1946. Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan is seated on the right. —Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

Earlier the same year, the Cabinet Mission, appointed by the British Government, is in India to find a solution that will grant independence to India, while attempting to preserve some semblance of the country’s unity.

They draw up a plan that calls for the setting up of a Constituent Assembly composed of members of the Congress and the Muslim League. The plan includes two options.

Option one is an all-India Federation based on the grouping of a) the Hindu majority provinces b) the Muslim majority provinces in the northwest (to include Sindh, Balochistan, Punjab and the NWFP) and the Muslim majority provinces in the northeast (to include Bengal and Assam). The powers of the federal centre under option one are to be limited to defence, foreign affairs and communications. Although acceptable to the Muslim League, this option is rejected by the Congress, which is firmly opposed to the grouping of provinces and the restrictions placed on central powers.

Option two proposes a sovereign Pakistan based on the partition of Punjab and Bengal, with all the Muslim majority areas going to Pakistan. Option two is rejected by both the Muslim League and the Congress, the latter reiterating that they will never forego their national character, accept parity with the Muslim League or agree to a veto by any communal group.

Once it becomes clear that the Congress wants to break the grouping and enhance central powers, Mr Jinnah withdraws the Muslim League’s approval of option one, reiterates the demand for a sovereign Pakistan based on undivided Punjab and Bengal, and calls for a Direct Action Day to force the British to grant them equal representation at the centre.

The die is now cast.

SIMLA & LONDON 1945-46

IN THE VICEREGAL SHADOW

The Quaid-i-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, dons a solar topi as his rickshaw makes its way to Viceregal Lodge. — Courtesy Lahore Museum Archives

Mr Jinnah is on his way to attend the Simla Conference called at the behest of the Viceroy, Lord Wavell on June 25, 1945. The purpose is to discuss the Wavell Plan with the Muslim League and the Congress.

The Wavell Plan is the outcome of discussions in May 1945 between Lord Wavell and the British Government about the future of India. The crux of the plan is the reconstitution of the Viceroy’s Executive Council, with members selected by the Viceroy from a list of nominees proposed by the political parties. Differences immediately arise between the Muslim League and the Congress on the issue of Muslim representation. The Muslim League’s position is that as the only representative party of Muslims in India, all Muslim representatives on the Council must be nominated by them.

The Congress maintain that as they represent all communities in India they, therefore, should nominate Muslim representatives. The result is a deadlock and failure.

The Quaid-i-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Jawaharlal Nehru caught smiling at each other at a reception at the India Office Library in London in December 1946. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

Mr Jinnah and Mr Nehru are attending the London Conference, chaired by British Prime Minister Clement Attlee. This is a further attempt by the British to secure acceptance of the Cabinet Mission Plan. Although Mr Jinnah is willing to consider maintaining links with Hindustan (as the future Hindu majority state is referred to) on subjects such as a joint military and communications, he is adamant in his refusal to any agreement with respect to the composition of the Constituent Assembly without the constitutional stipulations required for the protection of future Muslim rights.

Subsequent to the failure of the London Conference, Mr Jinnah insists on a fully sovereign Pakistan with dominion status. The encounter of smiles at the India Office did not work.


DELHI 1946

A REDSHIRT POET DISSENTS

Khan Abdul Ghani Khan (right) converses with Benegal Shiva Rao, a leading journalist and politician, in front of Council House in Delhi. — Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

Ghani Khan is the eldest son of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Educated at Rabindranath Tagore’s Shantiniketan School in western Bengal, which Indira Gandhi also attends, he is a poet, a sculptor, a painter – and a man of strong political views.

In April 1947, as Partition approaches, he forms a militant group, Pakhtoon Zalmay (Pakhtoon Youth), aimed at protecting the Redshirts and members of Congress from ‘violence’ at the hands of Muslim League sympathisers. However, the relationship between Congress and the Redshirt Movement is on a downward spiral. Despite Redshirt opposition to Pakistan, Congress negotiations with the British over the Partition of India stipulate for a referendum to be held on whether the NWFP will join Pakistan or India. Bitterly disappointed by this turn of events, his father’s last words to Mahatma Gandhi and his Congress allies are: “You have thrown us to the wolves.”

The referendum is overwhelmingly in favour of Pakistan; the Redshirts severe their connection with Congress and move a resolution, whereby the Redshirts “regard Pakistan as their own country and pledge to do their utmost to strengthen and safeguard its interests and make every sacrifice for the cause.”

From then on, although no longer active in politics, Ghani Khan is still seen as a symbol of dissent and spends much of the early 1950s in prison. After his release, he withdraws into philosophy and art and authors several volumes of poems, including De Panjray Chaghar, a literary defence of the Pakhtoonwali code of honour. In 1980, General Zia-ul-Haq confers the Sitara-e-Imtiaz upon him.

He dies in 1996; his legacy is best expressed in his words: “Pakhtoon is not merely a race but a state of mind; there is a Pakhtoon inside every man, who at times wakes up, and it overpowers him.”


PESHAWAR TO BOMBAY 1944

GANDHI MANOEUVERS

Mahatma Gandhi visits the NWFP in the mid-1930s in order to consolidate the alliance between the Indian National Congress and Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Redshirt Movement. It is the proximity between Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Mahatma Gandhi that earns the former the sobriquet of the ‘Frontier Gandhi’.

The Redshirt Movement begins as a non-violent struggle against British rule by Pakhtoons under the leadership of Abdul Ghaffar Khan. The movement starts facing pressure from the British authorities and Abdul Ghaffar Khan seeks political allies with the national parties.

Rebuffed by the Muslim League in 1931, he finds a sympathetic ear with the Congress. His brother, Dr Khan Sahib, plays an instrumental role in the success of the Congress-Redshirt Alliance in the 1937 and 1946 elections. As Partition approaches, the Redshirt Movement opposes joining Pakistan and when the Congress agrees to the British proposal for a referendum in the NWFP, Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s relationship with the Congress finds itself seriously frayed.

The Quaid-i-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Mahatma Gandhi smile during the Jinnah-Gandhi talks. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

Initiated by Mahatma Gandhi in July 1944, the talks are held at Mr Jinnah’s residence in Bombay in September. Mahatma Gandhi’s objective is to convince Mr Jinnah that the idea of Pakistan is untenable. In his opinion, power should be transferred to the Congress, after which Muslim majority areas that vote for separation will be made part of an Indian federation.

This view, says Mahatma Gandhi, reflects the substance of the Lahore Resolution. For Mr Jinnah, the absence of any guarantee that would protect Muslim rights under such an arrangement makes the proposal completely unacceptable. The talks end in failure.

KARACHI 1943

A PROCESSION IN TRIUMPH

The Quaid-i-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and G.M. Syed make their way in a triumphal procession to the Annual Session of the Muslim League in Karachi in December 1943. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

Behind them and standing are Mr Jinnah’s National Guard ADCs; Mumtaz Hidayatullah, the son of Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah, the veteran politician from Sindh, and Saeed Haroon, the son of Haji Abdullah Haroon.

On March 3, 1943, G.M. Syed brings before the Sindh Legislative Assembly, a resolution demanding the creation of Pakistan. The resolution is adopted, making it the first one in favour of the creation of Pakistan passed by a legislature in undivided India. It states that the Muslims of India “are justly entitled to the right as a single separate nation to have independent national states of their own, carved in the zones in which they are in majority in the subcontinent of India…”

It is this triumph for the Muslim League that frames Mr Jinnah’s arrival later in December to attend the Annual Session of the Muslim League for which Karachi is chosen as the venue.

As the President of the Sindh Muslim League, G.M. Syed is tasked with the responsibility of organising the arrangements for the Annual Session. He writes: “For nearly three months we worked to make a grand job of the honour that had been done to us. We did not spare men or material in lending all the grandeur and splendour to this historic session and only those who attended it can bear testimony to the scrupulous care with which every detail had been attended to and the lavish hospitality that Sindh had to offer.”

In his memoir, Struggle For New Sindh, G.M. Syed also writes about his admiration for Mr Jinnah: “In Jinnah I found a man of extraordinary intellectual capacity. His domineering personality and dynamic genius left a deep impression on my mind.”

G.M. Syed is subsequently asked by Mr Jinnah to resign from the presidency of the Sindh Muslim League, after which a group largely drawn from the Sindh Muslim League and styled as the Progressive Muslim League contest the 1945-46 elections in Sindh and establish a path of their own.


LAHORE MARCH 23, 1940

THE MOMENT OF TRUTH

The Quaid-i-Azam with Nawab Shahnawaz Khan Mamdot at Lahore’s Minto Park. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

The Quaid-i-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah addresses a mammoth crowd in Lahore’s Minto Park on March 22, 1940, subsequent to the passing of the Lahore Resolution at the three-day Annual Session of the Muslim League.

In the photograph above, Nawab Shahnawaz Khan Mamdot, the Chairman of the Punjab Reception Committee for the session, stands behind him, adjacent to the flagpole.

Sir Zafarullah Khan, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Maulana Abdul Ghafoor Hazarvi, Haji Abdullah Haroon and Qazi Isa. — Dawn/White Star Archives & Seafield Archives

Sir Zafarullah Khan (first from left) is credited with the original drafting of the Resolution; the critical points were then submitted in a memorandum to the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, in Delhi. The draft was subsequently further amended in Lahore by the Working Committee. The main supporters of the Resolution, one each from the north-western Muslim majority states in India, are (from second left) Maulana Zafar Ali Khan (Punjab), Maulana Abdul Ghafoor Hazarvi (NWFP), Haji Abdullah Haroon (Sindh) and Qazi Isa (Balochistan).

Quaid-i-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan peruse the Lahore Resolution. — Courtesy Lahore Museum

The Quaid-i-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan peruse the Lahore Resolution as Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman, the seconder of the Resolution and the leader of the Muslim League in the UP legislature, delivers a fiery oration.

Unanimously accepted, the Resolution declares: “No constitutional plan would be workable or acceptable to the Muslims unless geographical contiguous units are demarcated into regions, which should be so constituted with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary.”

In the long journey to Pakistan, a critical point has been reached. Nothing will be the same again. It is the moment of truth.


SINDH 1938

A REMARKABLE HOMECOMING

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah with Mian Mumtaz Daultana and Haji Abdullah Haroon in Seafield House — Dawn/White Star Archives & Seafield Archives

Haji Abdullah Haroon, President of the Sindh Muslim League relaxes at home in Seafield House between sessions of the Karachi Conference. The Quaid-i-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Mian Mumtaz Daultana are in an animated discussion about the revitalisation of the first All India Muslim League government in Sindh headed by Haji Abdullah Haroon.

Mr Jinnah, once looked upon as the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, returns to India in 1934 to assume the presidency of the Muslim League after four years in self-imposed exile in London. His return is marked by three vigorous years during which he consolidates the foundations of what will eventually constitute the future territories of Pakistan (although Pakistan is still not yet an inevitability in his mind).

Specifically, he succeeds in pushing back the Unionist style coalitions in Sindh, which by their composition are dependent upon the intervention of the British Governor. This pushback culminates in the resolution moved by Shaikh Abdul Majeed and adopted at the Karachi Conference recommending that the Muslim League develop a plan for Muslims to attain full independence.

This is an important first step in Mr Jinnah’s journey towards Muslim independence and a remarkable homecoming.

Four years later, in 1942, Haji Abdullah Haroon passes away. Mr Jinnah in his tribute says: “Muslim India, especially Sindh, has lost a leader who served and guided the people loyally and faithfully. I have lost a friend and colleague and deeply mourn his death.”

Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan describes him as “a pillar of strength to the Muslim League and one of its most sincere leaders. He was a staunch Pakistanist. His death is an irreparable loss to Muslim India in general and to Sindh in particular.”

The Quaid-i-Azam, in celebratory progression through Karachi in December 1938. At the front, next to the driver’s seat is his ADC, a young Mahmoud Haroon. — Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

ALLAHABAD 1930

AN ADDRESS TO REMEMBER

Sir Muhammad Iqbal arriving at the 25th Session of the All India Muslim League in Allahabad. —​ Dawn/White Star Archives

Sir Muhammad Iqbal arrives at the landmark session of the Muslim League in Allahabad on December 30, 1930, to deliver the now famous Allahabad Address.

Seated in the Lanchester on the right is Haji Abdullah Haroon. Standing next to the car is a young Yusuf Haroon; standing at the extreme left is poet Hafeez Jullundhri who will pen Pakistan’s national anthem eighteen years later.

In his address, Sir Muhammad Iqbal sets out his vision of an independent state for the Muslim majority provinces of undivided India. He defines the Muslims of India as a nation and suggests there is no possibility of peace in India until they are recognised as a nation under a federal system whereby Muslim majority units are accorded the same privileges given to Hindu majority units.

The young barrister Muhammad Iqbal in his library (left). At the historic Mezquita (mosque) of Cordoba, in Andalusia, Spain in 1933 (right). —​ Courtesy Iqbal Academy

In outlining a vision of an independent state for Muslim majority provinces for north-western India, Iqbal is the first politician to articulate the two-nation theory; that Muslims are a distinct nation deserving political independence from the other regions and communities of India.

Sir Muhammad Iqbal's eight stanza masterpiece, Masjid-e-Qurtuba, is inspired by his prayers at the mosque and includes the following lines: “The stars gaze upon your precincts as a piece of heaven/But alas! For centuries your porticoes have not resonated with the call of the azaan”; an allusion to the turning point when Cordoba returned to Christian rule in 1236 and the mosque became a Roman Catholic cathedral.


LONDON 1931

A SELF-IMPOSED EXILE

Mr Jinnah with his sister Fatima and his remarkable daughter Dina. —​ Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

The Round Table Conferences in London have ended in failure. Mr Jinnah decides to stay on in London where he has a thriving practice as a Privy Council lawyer, with chambers located on King’s Bench Walk.

He spends long periods brooding over the collapse of the Hindu-Muslim unity platform in the Indian National Congress.

Mr Jinnah and Dina share a private moment in the grounds of their home on West Heath Road in Hampstead, London. —​ Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

Finally, in 1934, he is persuaded to return to India to assume the presidency of the All India Muslim League. Thereafter, as the Quaid-i-Azam, he launches a series of initiatives that within a record time span of thirteen years, lead to the establishment of Pakistan.

Ruttie Jinnah is the daughter of Parsi baronet, Sir Dinshaw Petit. She marries the Quaid at the age of eighteen in 1918, despite virulent family opposition. The couple reside in South Court Mansion in Bombay.

Ruttie and Mr Jinnah are a glamorous couple. Flawless in her silks, Ruttie wears her signature hairstyle adorned with fresh flowers or complemented with headbands, embellished with diamonds, rubies and emeralds.

The couple are happy in the early years of their marriage. However, by 1923, Mr Jinnah’s deepening political involvement, long hours and frequent travel leave Ruttie feeling lonely and increasingly fragile.

Ruttie Jinnah. —​ Courtesy National Archives Islamabad

He is in Delhi when a call comes through on February 20, 1929 with the news that Ruttie is critically ill.

According to a close friend, Mr Jinnah says:

“Do you know who that was? It was my father-in-law. This is the first time we have spoken since my marriage.”

What Mr Jinnah does not know is that Ruttie is already dead.

The funeral is held at Bombay’s Muslim cemetery on February 22, 1929. According to Ruttie’s friend, Kanji Dwarkadas, “the funeral was a painfully slow ritual. Jinnah sat silent through all five hours.”

Then as Ruttie’s body is lowered into the grave, Mr Jinnah is the first to throw a handful of earth on the body. Suddenly, he breaks down and weeps like a child.

Another friend, M.C. Chagla, said years later that “there were tears in his eyes. That was the only time I found Jinnah betraying some shadow of human weakness.”


A FIRE EXTINGUISHED 1919-1931

THE KHILAFAT MOVEMENT

Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar (left) standing next to Dr Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari. —​ Courtesy Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar’s family & Dawn/White Star Archives

Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar (left) dons Turkish attire on his visit to Turkey on the eve of the First World War. Dr Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari, leader of the Indian Muslim Medical Mission to Turkey and future president of the Muslim League, stands on the right.

The firebrand Ali Brothers from Rampur State, achieve legendary status within the Khilafat Movement (1919 -1922), as the crucible in which a separate South Asian Muslim identity takes shape.

Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar makes his mark at the end of the First World War, when the Ottoman Empire is occupied by the Allied Powers under the Treaty of Sèvres. The Turkish Nationalists reject the Treaty, and the Grand National Assembly under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk denounces the rule of the reigning sultan, Mehmed VI.

As these events unfold, Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar and his brother, Maulana Shaukat Ali, launch an agitation in India aimed at building up political unity among Muslims and pressure the British to preserve the Ottoman caliphate.

The agitation leads to the formation of the Khilafat Movement. However, despite an alliance with the Indian National Congress and a nationwide campaign of peaceful civil disobedience, the Khilafat Movement itself weakens, because Indian Muslims are divided between working for the Congress, the Khilafat Movement and the Muslim League.

The end comes in 1924 when Atatürk abolishes the caliphate. The brothers join the Muslim League and play a major role in the Pakistan Movement.

The Khilafat Movement is a major step towards the establishment of a separate Muslim state in South Asia.

Maulana Shaukat Ali sitting next to the coffin of his brother, Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar. —​ Courtesy Lahore Museum Archives

Maulana Shaukat Ali (extreme right) in January 1931 sits next to the coffin of his brother, Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar, on board the ship SS Narkunda on the way to Port Said. Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar is buried within the precincts of the Masjid Al-Aqsa in Jerusalem.

His frequent jail sentences and acute diabetes have an adverse impact on his health. He dies in London in January 1931, while attending the First Round Table Conference.

His final words to the British Government are: “I would prefer to die in a foreign country as long as it is free. If you do not grant us freedom in India, you will have to find me a grave here.”


GENESIS DHAKA 1906

THE ALL INDIA MUSLIM LEAGUE

Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk, Nawab Salimullah and Sir Sultan Mohammed Shah Aga Khan III. — Dawn/White Star Archives

Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk (first from left), a prominent political personality from Hyderabad State, inaugurates the founding session of the All India Muslim League in Dhaka in 1906.

Nawab Salimullah of Dhaka (second from left), a venerated educationist, legislator and a powerful advocate for the Partition of Bengal, hosts the session of the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference in Dhaka; a session that leads to the foundation of the All India Muslim League.

Sir Sultan Mohammed Shah Aga Khan III (third from left), the spiritual head of the Ismaili community worldwide, plays a formative role in the founding of the All India Muslim League and serves as President from 1907 to 1913. He later becomes president of the League of Nations.

Founding members of the All India Muslim League. —​ Dawn/White Star Archives

The founding members of the All India Muslim League (above and below) at the baradari of Shah Bagh in Dhaka on December 30, 1906.

The image below shows Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar seated on the front row, second from left, and his brother Maulana Shaukat Ali, sixth from left, same row.

The All India Muslim League which grows from the vision of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan at Aligarh will spearhead the creation of Pakistan in 1947.

Founding members of the All India Muslim League. —​ Dawn/White Star Archives

TOWARDS 1947

CARAVAN TO FREEDOM

The road to partition. —​ Excerpted with permission from Witness to Life and Freedom, Roli Books, Delhi

As Partition approaches in 1947, large convoys of Sikh and Hindu refugees head towards East Punjab, and Muslims flee to the two wings of Pakistan. This photo captures the tail end of this momentous period.


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